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Irish Republican Information Service (no. 286)
Irish Republican Information Service (no. 286)
Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223
Parnell Street, Dublin 1, Ireland
Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: +353-1-872 9757; e-mail:
saoirse@iol.ie
Date: 17 Nollaig / December
2011
Internet resources maintained by SAOIRSE-Irish
Freedom
http://saoirse.info
In this
issue:
1. SAOIRSE
editorial: Republican Sinn Féin defends its name
2. Statement ‘bogus’ – Continuity
IRA
3. Agent
provocateurs using the name Sinn Féin
4. Not a member of Republican Sinn Féin
5. Fight the cuts by refusing to
pay property tax -- Republican Sinn Féin
6. Republican Sinn Féin supports student occupation
of TD’s office
7. Bloody Sunday group to stage march on 40th anniversary
8. British army defuses bomb
close to Keady RUC/PSNI barracks
9. Miami Showband murders: collusion between loyalist
killers and State
forces
10. Statement
from Christie Walsh
11. Checkpoint death family considers legal action
12. 300 guns stolen or lost from
British army bases
13.
Daniel Hegarty's family call for soldier's prosecution
14. Provo bosses let
hunger-strikers die – they know who they are
and so do I
15. 1921 Treaty of Surrender on
display
16. Friday of
resistance in Bil'in
1. SAOIRSE editorial: Republican Sinn Féin defends
its name
IT has become necessary to
once again place on the public record
a number of facts and restate the position of
Republican Sinn Féin
regarding the activities of a Limerick-based splinter group which has been
attempting to steal
the historic and honourable name of Republican Sinn
Féin.
First of all it is important to provide the background to the
activities of this splinter
group. We repeat here the facts set out by the
President of Republican Sinn Féin Des Dalton at the
2010 Ard Fheis;
“On April 30, a statement appeared on a new Limerick website entitled
limerickrepublicans.com.
“It said:
‘Limerick Republicans formerly aligned to
RSF have taken a decision after consulting with the
membership over several
months to dissolve the existing organisation in the
city.’ A further
statement from the same source said they had formed a
new grouping called
‘LIRO-Limerick Independent Republican Organisation’.
“Then they changed their name to “RSF – Real
Sinn Féin”. In a
newspaper interview, a spokesperson demanded that
we hand over our offices in
Dublin and Belfast and control of our monthly
paper SAOIRSE to them. These demands were angrily
rejected by us
immediately.
“By October they had changed their name again,
this time
they stole
our honoured title Republican Sinn Féin. The name they threw
away in April they now
embraced six months later. Now they claimed to be
the Republican Movement of
history and said we consisted of only a small
number of individuals.
“We have not changed our name several times over six
months. We remain what we
were for more than a century, through 1916 and
the First (all-Ireland) Dáil of 1919-1922 – the
historic Republican
Movement and we yield to no one in that regard.”
The
leadership of this splinter group comprises people who were
dismissed from, or refused
to accept, the democratic decisions of various
Ard-Fheiseanna of Republican Sinn Féin, including the
election of a new
President in 2009. It has also come to the attention of Republican Sinn
Féin that members of this
splinter group have been using its name in the
Dublin area.
In Kerry the Comhairle
Ceantair issued a statement in response to
an individual from the Listowel area who has
similarly misused the name of
the organisation. Republican Sinn Féin reiterates
that such people have no
connection to Republican Sinn Féin and calls on them
to desist from such
actions immediately. This splinter group has attempted to sow confusion in
the minds of the
Republican community and by its actions and criminal
activity has besmirched
Irish Republicanism.
They should disband now, as they have no role to
play. This was
highlighted when a small number of this splinter group were told to leave
the POW protest at the
British Embassy on December 3 by Republican Sinn
Féin and the 32-County
Sovereignty Committee, as a group with criminal
links is not welcome at any Republican meeting,
demonstration, picket or
commemoration.
A banner carried by them
bearing the name of Republican Sinn
Féin was taken from them to reinforce the point that
they have no right to
use the name or title of the organisation.
Over its 106-year history Republican Sinn Fein has endured
repression and censorship
from the British and 26-County states as well as
attempts by former
Republicans to hijack or divert it from the road to the
All-Ireland Republic of
1916.
On each occasion these methods have failed and this
latest
manifestation
will be no more successful. Once more we call on people to be
alert to those who would
attempt to cloak their criminal enterprises under
the noble banner of
Republicanism and reject them for the frauds and
charlatans that they are.
2. Statement ‘bogus’ – Continuity
IRA
IN A statement received on December 2 by media
outlets, including
SAOIRSE, the Continuity IRA said:
“Statement from the
Irish Republican Publicity Bureau
“Contrary to a bogus statement issued on November 30, the
Continuity IRA was no way
involved in the recent shooting of David
D’Arcy. We see such a false statement as an
attempt to associate us
with criminality and we reject such actions.
B Ó
Ruairc
Rúnaí.”
3. Agent provocateurs using the name Sinn Féin
IN
A statement on December 1, Comhairle Ceantair, Ciarraí, Sinn
Féin Poblachtach, said:
“In recent days it has
come to our attention that allegations have
been made against members of our organisation at a
commemoration to honour
Eddie Carmody, Ballylongford, Co. Kerry, at the
monument dedicated to his
memory.
“These allegations
come from a person or persons claiming
to be members of Sinn Féin Poblachtach (Republican
Sinn Féin). They do
not represent our organisation in any way, shape or form.
“The facts are that this group can be described as a minute
group of people mostly from
the Limerick city area who were at one time
members of our organisation, and were expelled
because they refused to
accept the democratically-elected leadership at the
2009 Ard-Fheis.
“This is an elaborate and callous attempt to
gain publicity
from
wherever possible and to discredit our members in honouring the people
who have given their lives
for the cause of a 32-County independent
Republic.
“They claim to be acting for the benefit of
Irish Republicanism, but
their vindictive and petty attempts only serve those
who have a vested
interest in keeping this country partitioned and occupied by British Crown
Forces and their
police and civil apparatus in the Six-County Statelet.
“Back in 2009 this group issued statements in
the media
that they
were going to take over our offices in Dublin and Belfast and
also our newspaper
SAOIRSE-Irish Freedom. This was another one of their
foolish, naïve and
ill-conceived plans that failed simply because true
Republicans do not accept
their ridiculous claims to the name of Sinn Féin
and only see them as agent
provocateurs with their own self
interests.”
4. Not a member of
Republican Sinn Féin
ON Saturday, December 3, John Horan. PRO, Comhairle
Ceantair
Átha Cliath,
Republican Sinn Féin, sent the following letter to the print
media:
“A chara
“In light of media speculation it needs to be
clarified
that Liam
Kenny, Clondalkin , resigned in writing from Republican Sinn
Féin on September 23, 2010
and on October 18, 2010, he accepted a letter
from the Clondalkin-based Máire Drumm/Kevin Barry
Cumann of Republican
Sinn Féin confirming that his letter of resignation had been accepted.
“From September 23, 2010, Liam Kenny had no
input, locally
or
nationally, to or with the Republican Movement.”
In
a further clarification, National PRO of Republican Sinn
Féin, Geraldine McNamara,
wrote to the Limerick Post newspaper on December
6:
“Dear Editor,
“It has come to my attention that there are
persons in your
area
sending articles to your paper in the name of Republican Sinn Fein.
“I wish to point out to you that these people
are not
members of
our organisation as they were dismissed from it almost two years
ago.
“Mr Des Long is not Vice-President, neither is he a member.
“Our Vice-Presidents are Fergal Moore and
Geraldine Taylor.
Our
head Office is 223 Parnell Street, Dublin.
“We do not wish to be
associated with these people nor do
we wish to see our name used falsely.
“If you wish further information please contact me or our
head office.”
5.
Fight the cuts by refusing to pay property tax -- Republican
Sinn Féin
AT
its December meeting the Ard Chomhairle of Republican Sinn
Féin called on people not to
register in January for the 100 Euro property
tax.
“We are calling on
people not to register for payment of
the 100 Euro property tax this coming January. This
tax is just the latest
in a wave of attacks on working people by the
26-County Administration in
order to prop up the failed EU banking system and
currency. By refusing to
register, working people will be empowering
themselves while also sending
out a strong message to the political and financial
elite that they will
not allow the many to be sacrificed in order to protect the vested
interests of the few.
“As we predicted, the last 26-County election did not
deliver any political or
economic change. It was merely a case of
exchanging one set of gombeen politicians for
another. For too long the
Leinster House political class have used working
people as voting fodder at
election time, the campaign against the property tax
allows ordinary Irish
people to once more find their own political voice.
By thinking and acting
in their own interests rather than those of a
powerful elite, this campaign
can be mark the beginning of the fight back against
the cuts and the first
step in reclaiming our nation.”
6.
Republican Sinn Féin supports student occupation of
TD’s office
ON
December 4 Kildare Republican Sinn Féin expressed its support
for the students who
occupied the constituency office of Fine Gael TD
Anthony Lawler in Naas.
“Their action is a positive statement of the
determination of ordinary
people throughout Ireland to resist the attacks
of the financial and political elite on essential
social services as well
as education and health in both the 26 and Six-County
states.
“Education is a right for all people and its
provision a
marker of
any civilised society. By its policies the present Fine
Gael/Labour administration
is sacrificing not only this but future
generations to bailout the failed and undemocratic EU
political, economic
and banking system. The radical action of a new generation in protesting
their right to access third
level education gives hope for the
future.”
7. Bloody Sunday group to
stage march on 40th anniversary
ON December 16 the
organisers of a march to mark the 40th
anniversary of Bloody Sunday have defended their
decision to stage the
event.
In a statement issued to the
Derry Journal, signed by, among
others, the families of Bloody Sunday victims Jim
Wray and William Nash,
the march organisers said: “We, as Bloody
Sunday family members, feel
the need to commemorate this important anniversary in
solidarity with the
people of Derry by continuing the ‘March for Justice’ - justice
that, in our opinion,
has never been achieved.
“Over the years, the
Bloody Sunday families have been
strongly supported by a broad range of groups and
individuals from across
the world. Bloody Sunday has become synonymous with
injustice and the march
has provided a platform for other people who have
been denied a voice.
“We respect the right
of everyone to commemorate the 40th
anniversary in a manner of their choosing.
“We would encourage everyone to support all commemorative
events. Equally, we would
expect that our right to commemorate Bloody
Sunday by continuing with the traditional march
should be
respected.”
The march organisers have invited the public to
attend a meeting
in
Pilot’s Row on January 6 at 8 pm.
8. British army defuses bomb
close to Keady RUC/PSNI barracks
ON
December 13 a British army bomb disposal team defused a bomb
in Keady in south Armagh
which was discovered close to the RUC/PSNI
barracks. A number of houses were evacuated following
a telephone
bomb. The
device, which was taken away for forensic examination, was
described by British
colonial police as viable.
9. Miami Showband murders:
collusion between loyalist killers and
State forces
A LOYALIST assassin known as
The Jackal received a tipoff from a
senior member of the RUC which that helped him elude
justice over the
killing of an Irish pop band in the mid-1970s, according to a report by the
British Historical
Enquiries Team (Het), which found that Robin Jackson was
linked to the murders of
three members of the Miami Showband in July 1975.
The pop group were on their way back to Dublin when
their minibus
was
stopped by a fake army patrol near the border. The Het report found
that Jackson, a member of
loyalist paramilitary group the Ulster Volunteer
Force from North Armagh, had
been linked to one of the murder weapons by
his fingerprints. Jackson later claimed in police
interviews he had been
tipped off by a senior Royal Ulster Constabulary
officer to lie low after
the killings.
Jackson, who emigrated for a
period of the 1980s to South Africa,
has since died from cancer. In 1984 he helped
organise the attempted murder
of the then Sunday World northern editor Jim
Campbell, who had named
Jackson as the leader of the UVF in Mid-Ulster, which
was responsible for
shootings and bombings against nationalists in the so-called “Murder
Triangle” of
North Armagh.
The report, which was released on December 14, said
Jackson
claimed he
was tipped off that his fingerprints had been found on a
silencer attached to a Luger
pistol used in the Miami Showband murders. The
Het team said the murders raised “disturbing
questions about
collusive and corrupt behaviour”. It said the review “has found
no means to assuage
or rebut these concerns and that is a deeply troubling
matter”.
The
bogus army patrol comprised soldiers from the Ulster Defence
Regiment and UVF members in
Armagh. Members of the band were made to line
up at the side of the road while one UVF member tried
to hide a bomb on the
bus. The plan was that the bomb would explode en
route, killing everyone on
board as it entered Dublin. But the bomb went off
prematurely, killing
Harris Boyle and Wesley Somerville, who were members of the UDR, as well as
the UVF.
After the explosion the other members of the UVF gang then opened
fire on the band, killing
lead singer Fran O'Toole, guitarist Tony
Geraghty, and trumpeter Brian McCoy. The bass player,
Stephen Travers,
barely survived his injuries.
Three members of the UDR
were eventually convicted for their part
in the attack. James Somerville, Thomas Crozier and
James McDowell received
life sentences and remained in jail until their early
release under the
terms of the Stormont Agreement in 1998 when Republican and loyalist
prisoners were given a de
facto amnesty as part of the peace settlement.
Commenting on the report, band member Des McAlea, who survived
the attack, said:
“It's been a long time but we've got justice at
last.” He described
the Het findings as “quite shocking”
and
“mind-blowing”. “The fact that there was collusion in
this is such a tragedy for
all of us concerned,” he added. “To
think that people were supposed to be protecting us
and they were actually
involved in this terrible tragedy.”
Former band member Des McAlea, who escaped the 1975 UVF attack by
fleeing across a field in
the darkness, was overcome with emotion when he
addressed a press conference in Dublin on December
14.
He praised the families of those who were killed for
the
“patience
and dignity” they had demonstrated over the last 36
years.
“It’s been a long and winding road for all of them
and for us. Justice at last
– hallelujah,” he said.
Stephen Travers, who was
badly injured in the attack, said the
survivors and families of those who died would always
want to know more
about what happened.
“But we’re very grateful for what
we’ve got
today. What’s happened today is that the door has been opened . . .
they can’t argue when
we accuse them of colluding with the
paramilitaries.”
David O’Toole, a nephew of the band’s lead singer,
Fran O’Toole, who was
killed, said the family was “reasonably
happy” with the report.
“These dreadful murders absolutely tore apart our lives and
those of our families. They
left two young women without their husbands and
four very young children fatherless,” David
O’Toole said.
“We hope that this report can bring some closure to us and help us to
come to terms with
our terrible loss.”
Keith McCoy, son of Brian
McCoy, who was also killed, said:
“We the families of Tony [Anthony Geraghty],
Brian and Fran, as well
as survivors Stephen and Des, have waited a very long
time, over 36 years
in fact, to learn the circumstances surrounding the deaths of our loved
ones, who were shot down so
brutally and so callously in the early hours of
a summer morning.”
10.
Statement from Christie Walsh
“MY name is Christy
Walsh and for 22 years I have been
trying to clear my name of a crime that I did not
commit. I was convicted
in 1992 by a non-jury Diplock Court; where the
pre-trial process involved
denial of access to a lawyer after my arrest and no
right of silence during
interrogations. Despite being presented with signed
copies of my statements
made during interrogations the Diplock Judge, John
Petrie, convicted me for
remaining silent as his ‘main criticism’.
“In January 2002, the Northern Ireland Court of
Appeal,
having found
my conviction to have been 'unlawful', then revived it on
entirely different grounds.
In 2010, another Court of Appeal then found
the revived conviction 'unsafe'; observing that I am
‘a person of
previous good character’. Soon afterwards, the [Stormont] Justice
Minister, David Ford, MLA
intervened to revive the malicious prosecution
case against me and he continues to do so. The
following Department of
Justice internal advisory seemingly reflects the
Justice Minister, and his
department’s, concern is that my innocence
might expose other
injustices, as follows,
“He also refers to his
previous (mistaken) suggestions that
we regard him as guilty... If Walsh's application
succeeds it may gain a
higher profile and raise questions over other
convictions’.
“In March 2010, before leaving the Court of
Appeal, I took
one of
the Prosecutor's files with me. I now hold in my possession
indelible evidence of
serious impropriety within the NI Public Prosecution
Service which are the basis
for the Justice Minister's concerns as
expressed above. The solid and overwhelming facts
place the Prosecution
Service closer to the object of crime than they ever
did me. For a
modest
sample of the quality of evidence in my possession see
http://www.christywalsh.com/theprosecution.html
“The Justice Minister,
David Ford, MLA is actively involved
in a cover-up of what appears to be serious criminal
conduct by a Crown
Prosecutor, Mr Gary McCrudden. This email is intended to raise
awareness and prevent the
Justice Minister from successfully concealing the
truth, and in that regard, I
ask that if there is anyone whom you feel
should be aware, or, who might be interested in the
facts of this case,
then please forward my email to them on my behalf.
"Thank you for your time.
Christy Walsh, December 14,
2011.
For more information see:
http://www.christywalsh.com.
11. Checkpoint death family
considers legal action
IT was reported on December 15 that the family of a
young man
shot dead
in a stolen car, as he tried to escape an RUC/PSNI checkpoint in
Ballinahinch, Co Down in
2006, say they are considering taking legal action
against the British colonial
police.
It has emerged that the RUC man who opened fire on
23-year-old
Steven
Colwell in April 2006 had a history of mental health problems and
had previously pulled his
gun in a domestic incident but wasn't disciplined
over the Easter Sunday
shooting and instead returned to work.
A report by British Police
Ombudsman Al Hutchinson has now found
that the RUC man’s judgements in relation to
the incident at the
checkpoint were “critically flawed”.
The
brother of Steven Colwell has said his family may take legal
action against the chief
constable and the officer.
“We never received an
apology personally from the police.
That's hard to accept," said Neil Colwell.
12.
300 guns stolen or lost from British army bases
MORE than 300 pistols,
rifles and machine guns have been lost or
stolen at British army bases in the past five years.
Soldiers either misplaced the weapons or illegally
sold them on
the
black market. The figures obtained by a newspaper under the Freedom of
Information Act revealed
that 45 pistols, 65 rifles and 76 machine guns
have been lost since 2006.
A
total of 58 pistols, 52 rifles and four machine guns were
stolen. Of all 300, only 39
were recovered.
The worst year was 2010 when 82 guns were lost, 65 of
them
machine guns
capable of firing 750 rounds a minute. That same year 11 SA80
assault rifles –
standard issue to British army troops in Afghanistan
and Iraq – vanished
with six 9mm pistols.
13. Daniel Hegarty's family call for soldier's
prosecution
THE sister of a 15-year-old boy shot dead almost 40
years ago has
said
she wants the soldier responsible brought before the courts.
On
December 9 jurors at the inquest of Daniel Hegarty
unanimously found that he
posed no risk when he was shot twice in Derry
during Operation Motorman in July 1972.
His cousin Christopher was
wounded.
Daniel's sister Margaret Brady said she wanted the
courts to tell
the
soldier he had committed a crime.
“Justice has been
done, but at the end of the day this man
should be prosecuted. I'm not out for revenge, I'm
just out for the
truth.”
The family's solicitor, Des Doherty, said
prosecutions were now a
“definite possibility”.
“The full rigour of the law has to be applied and it is now
of course a matter for the
coroner,” the solicitor said. “This
case was not about vengeance. It was about
justice.”
The jury rejected claims that warnings had been
shouted to the
two
teenagers before they were shot.
The operation was aimed at
reclaiming “no-go areas”
in the city from the IRA. Daniel, who was a labourer,
was shot twice in the
head by a soldier close to his home in Creggan. His
cousin Christopher, 16,
was shot in the head by the same soldier but
survived.
The jury found that none of the soldiers present
attempted to
“approach the injured youths to either search them or provide medical
assistance”.
This is the second inquest into Daniel's death.
In 1972 there were a number of “no-go
areas” for the
British army in Derry.
The initial inquest was held in 1973 and recorded an
open
verdict. A
second inquest was ordered by the Six-County Attorney General in
2009 following an
examination by the Historical Enquiries Team.
The report found that the
RUC investigation at the time was
“hopelessly inadequate and dreadful”.
The inquest opened on Monday and heard from Daniel's
sister
Margaret
Brady. She described how her mother continued to set a place for
him at the table and call
him for dinner for months after his death.
14. Provo bosses let
hunger-strikers die – they know who
they are and so do I
AN ex-Provo prisoner who
watched his comrades die on
hunger-strike has blasted the IRA leadership for
their “needless
deaths”.
Richard O'Rawe says key IRA
leaders should “hang their
heads in shame” for rejecting a secret British
offer which could have
saved six hunger-strikers' lives in the notorious
H-Blocks.
The West Belfast republican, who was the prisoners'
public
relations
officer, claims “six men with hearts like lions were let
die horrific deaths for
nothing other than getting Sinn Féin votes”.
Four hunger-strikers were already dead when British
Prime
Minister,
Margaret Thatcher, capitulated and made her dramatic offer in
July 1981 effectively
granting most of the prisoners' demands.
O'Rawe, who bravely lifted
the lid in 2001 on the secret British
proposal to end the hunger-strike, was speaking after
his account was
proven true by documents just lodged in an Irish university.
He's now urging republicans all over Ireland to urgently revise
their understanding of what
happened during the H-Block death fast that
made headlines across the world.
“The evidence is there for all to see. It's the biggest
cover-up in the history of
Irish Republicanism,” he told the Sunday
World.
The hunger-strike was run on
the outside by a clandestine
committee set up by the Army Council. Its members
included the North's best
known Provos who were also in Sinn Féin.
“These men should have the guts to finally come clean and
tell how they let six
Republicans, whose boots they weren't fit to lace,
needlessly die horrific
deaths in a H-block hell-hole.
“Let them explain how
they rejected an offer which meant
Joe McDonnell, Martin Hurson, Kevin Lynch, Tom
McElwee, Kieran Doherty and
Mickey Devine would all have lived.”
O'Rawe spoke of the threats and intimidation he and his family
had suffered since he
exposed the leadership's lies. “ ‘Richard
O'Rawe H-Block
traitor’ was written on the wall opposite my home.
Well, it's now as clear as
daylight who betrayed the
hunger-strikers.”
Papers donated to the National University of Ireland in Galway by
Derry businessman, Brendan
Duddy, show how the IRA prison leadership
accepted a substantial British offer to end the death
fast.
Known as the 'Mountain Climber', Duddy was the
messenger between
the
British and the IRA. His notes show – as O'Rawe claimed in his
best-selling book Blanketmen
– that the British made an offer on 5
July 1981 effectively granting the prisoners' five
demands except free
association.
Joe McDonnell, the fifth hunger-striker, was hovering
on the
brink of death
so urgent action was required. Duddy relayed the offer to
Martin McGuinness who told
Gerry Adams. Danny Morrison was then despatched
to the H-Blocks to brief Bik McFarlane, the IRA
commander in the jail.
When he returned to his
cell, McFarlane told O'Rawe the good
news. “We were both delighted. A few hours free
movement every day
wasn't worth one more life," says O'Rawe.
“The British were
compromising on prison uniforms, work,
visits, letters and segregation. Bik wrote to Gerry
Adams, accepting the
offer.”
However, the Army Council committee then sent word
into the jail
that
the offer wasn't enough. On 7 July, the IRA told the British that
while the substance of the
proposal was acceptable, the “tone”
needed changing.
Joe McDonnell died the next
day. “This fine
“epublican died because an Army Council clique
didn't like the 'tone'
of a document,” says O'Rawe. “Five other
great men, the bravest
of the brave, followed him.
“The hunger-strikers were Spartacuses.
“They gave everything
they had to the republican movement.
They believed to their death in a 32 county socialist
republic. This Army
Council committee between them didn't have even an ounce of one
hunger-striker's courage.
They were a bunch of immoral, unscrupulous
b*****ds.”
It was later revealed that
the Army Council committee never
briefed the entire Army Council itself on the details
of the offer.
The hunger-strike had become “a cynical PR
exercise to gain
votes”, O'Rawe claims. It had to continue at least until Owen Carron
won the Fermanagh and
South Tyrone Westminister by-election in August,
holding Bobby Sands' seat.
The official Provo line has always been that a
callous,
uncompromising British government let 10 men die. “That lie's now
exposed,” says O'Rawe.
“The hunger-strikers broke Margaret
Thatcher. She blinked first. She gave in but the men
weren't told,”
The ex-IRA man says he faced
a campaign of vilification since he
began exposing the truth about the hunger-strike:
“I was told I could
be shot. My children were harassed. ‘Your da's
a liar’, people
shouted at them.
“I was ostracised.
Guys I'd operated with in the IRA, some
of my best friends, snubbed me as the leadership
spread their lies.”
O'Rawe (57) lives just across the road from Milltown Cemetery on
the Falls where three
hunger-strikers are buried.
He often visits the graves
of Bobby Sands, Joe McDonnell, and
Kieran Doherty: “It's heart-breaking but I
don't need to go there to
remember them because they never leave my
mind.” On the 30th
anniversary of the 10 deaths, he still breaks down in
tears thinking of his
comrades.
-- Suzanne Breen, Sunday
World, December 11, 2011.
15. 1921 Treaty of Surrender
on display
THE original Anglo Irish Treaty document of 1921 has
been made
available
to the public for the first time on December 6 in an online
exhibition marking 90 years
to the day since its signing.
The Treaty was signed in the
aftermath of the truce which ended
the 1919-1921 War of Independence.
The
original document was acquired by the National Archives of
Ireland from the 26-County
Department of the Taoiseach in 2002 and has
never before been made available for public
consultation, either in its
original form or online.
The
inked signatures of all the delegates are visible at the
bottom of the seven-page
document, with most of the Irish delegates having
signed as Gaeilge (in
Irish).
The signatures on the left of the final page are
Arthur Griffith,
Micheál Ó Coileáin (Michael Collins), Riobárd Bartún (Robert Barton),
Eamonn S Ó Dugáin (Eamonn
Duggan) and Seoirse Ghabháin Uí Dhubhthaigh
(George Gavan Duffy).
On
the British side, the delegates who signed were: David Lloyd
George, Austen Chamberlain,
Lord Birkenhead (signed as
‘Birkenhead’), and Winston Churchill, who
was chiefly
responsible for the military clauses in the Treaty.
The
“Articles of Agreement for a Treaty between Great
Britain and Ireland”
were signed by both delegations at 2.15am on
December 6th, 1921.
British prime minister David
Lloyd George had issued an ultimatum
to the Irish delegation, including Collins, that they
must either sign the
text of the Treaty as it stood, or face the consequence of an immediate
resumption of war in the
event of their refusal to sign.
Collins said on the signing
of the document that he had signed
his death warrant. At the time, he believed the
Treaty creating of the
Irish Free State would ultimately lead to full
independence, but he was
viewed by many as a traitor.
The
split over the Treaty and its subsequent narrow ratification
by the Dáil in January 1922
ultimately led to the Civil War of 1922-23.
According to the National Archives, the Anglo-Irish Treaty of
1921 is “probably THE
seminal document of the Irish Free State, which
in turn evolved into the Republic of Ireland”.
16. Friday of resistance in Bil'in
IN
the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian
people on December 2, 2011,
five demonstrators were injured in addition to
the dozens of people who suffered choking from
inhaling poison gas in the
village of Bil'in west of Ramallah.
The
weekly march was organised by the Popular Committee Against
the Wall and Settlements in
Bil'in for the revival of the International Day
of Solidarity with the Palestinian people with the
participation of many
national symbols, politburo member of the Democratic
Front Qais Abu Leila,
Minister of Social Affairs Magda Almasri, the
spokesman for Fatah movement
Ahmed Assaf, a member of the Political Bureau of the
Palestinian Liberation
Front Hisham Abu Raya, a member of the senior
leadership of the Popular
Front-General Command in Palestine D..Shawkat Hammad,
the Secretary of the
Democratic Union of Palestinian “Feda” in Ramallah, Kamal
Mohammed Ali, a member of
the senior leadership of the movement of the
Palestinian National Initiative, Salah al-Khawaja,
many delegations from
all parties and national movements, French and
Brazilian delegation, dozens
of Palestinians and international and Israeli peace
activists.
The march began after Friday prayers from the center
of the
village
heading to the land that was liberated a few months ago, where
participants raised
Palestinian flags, banners of Palestinian parties,
pictures of the prisoner
Hamza Burnat who is a photographer for Friends of
justice and freedom,
pictures of the prisoner Ashraf Abu Rahma, banners
painted with the image of
the prisoner leader Marwan Barghouti.
The protesters chanted the
national slogans which called for the
departure of the occupation and the demolition of the
apartheid wall and
also they called on Palestinians to remain faithful to the constants of
Palestine and called for
freedom for all prisoners.
Upon the arrival of
participants to (Abu Lemon) area, they were
able to remove some of the barbed wire, then the
soldiers behind the
concrete wall shot live bullets in the air, rubber bullets, sound grenades,
density of tear gas
canisters and they sprayed waste water mixed with
chemicals towards the
participants, which led to the wounding of five
people including the journalist Walid Safe from
Aljazeera International.
Dozens of citizens and Israeli and international
peace activists suffered
cases of severe asphyxia and the car of the press and
ambulance crews
who
had treated the wounded in the field, were also targeted.
Some of the participants threw stones at the occupation soldiers,
many soldier jeeps chased
the demonstrators in the olive groves to the
outskirts of the village.
ENDS
--
Republican Sinn Féin
International Relations Bureau
Sinn
Féin Poblachtach Roinn Gnóthaí Idirnáisiúnta
E-Mail:
irish-solidarity@gmx.net
Web:
http://www.irish-solidarity.net/
Post: Stiftgasse 8, 1070
Vienna, Austria
Tel:
0044 782 676 20 96
Fax: 00353 1 872 97 57
Sinn Féin Poblachtach
www.rsf.ie
www.saoirse.info
Head Office: 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, Éire.
Tel: 00353 1 872 9747
Fax: 00353 1 872 9757
e-mail:
saoirse@iol.ie
Belfast Office: 229 Falls Road, Belfast, BT12 6FB, Co Antrim, Northern Ireland.
Tel: 0044 9031 9004
e-mail:
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